In the last 25 years, Italian insurrectionary anarchists have been responsible for dozens of attacks in the country and abroad. This trend was long underestimated by Italian authorities and analysts, partly because the attacks were not lethal. Nevertheless, insurrectionary anarchism is recognized as a current security concern in Italy. It has become the most dangerous form of domestic non-jihadist terrorism in the country. Furthermore, in many respects, Italy represents the birthplace of a new threat that has spread to other countries.
Contemporary insurrectionary anarchism is an extremist tendency within the anarchist movement. It emphasizes the practice of revolutionary insurrection through illegal and violent “direct action.” In Italy, the insurrectionary anarchist movement has combined different radical causes and interests, including: anti-authoritarianism, anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, anti-militarism, anti-clericalism, the struggle against the judicial and prison system, radical environmentalism and Sardinian separatism.
One of the most influential ideologues of contemporary insurrectionary anarchism is the Italian activist Alfredo Maria Bonanno (born 1937). Bonanno is best known for his essay Armed Joy (La gioia armata), an incendiary pamphlet written in Italy in 1977 (and later banned) during the so-called “Years of Lead” marked by left-wing and right-wing terrorism. In the early 1990s, Bonanno proposed coordination between Mediterranean insurrectionary anarchists, especially from Italy, Greece and Spain. Bonanno was convicted three times for various crimes, including bank robberies.
The view of insurrectionary anarchism inspired by Bonanno’s work has spread from Italy and has been developing in the transnational anarchist movement since the 1980s, partly due to translations of Bonanno’s writings. Overall, the connection of this contemporary movement with the main intellectual currents of classical anarchism is rather weak. In general, anarchism emphasizes practice over theory. Insurrectionary anarchism, however, has taken this position to the extreme. Violent “direct action” here and now is considered essential. Contemporary insurrectionary anarchists have been critical of other anarchists. On the one hand, they have rejected the struggle for reforms and mass organizations and have opposed issue-based activism. They have expressed a profound critique of any other movements that fail to take immediate direct action. On the other hand, insurrectionary anarchists direct their critique at any “formal organization.”
This article examines the rise of the most important network within this movement, the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), and its escalation of violence culminating in the attack on an Italian nuclear executive in May 2012. In the last decade, the FAI has been able to sustain an intense campaign of violence. In particular, a series of bombs and letter bombs, often directed against high-profile targets, have caused concern and alarm. The network has yet to cause any deaths, but some of their attacks were potentially lethal. Furthermore, the FAI has established ties with foreign groups, especially in Greece, and has become a model of inspiration for extremist groups and individuals around the world.
The Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI)
The Informal Anarchist Federation (Federazione Anarchica Informale, FAI) is a loose network of individuals and small temporary “affinity groups” (gruppi di affinità) based on personal relationships. There is still little public information about the network. The FAI officially appeared in December 2003 when it claimed responsibility for two rudimentary bombs placed outside Romani Prodi’s private residence in Bologna, in north-central Italy. Prodi twice served as prime minister of Italy (1996-1998, 2006-2008), and he was president of the European Commission at the time of the attempted attack. In December 2003-January 2004, a letter bomb campaign called “Operation Santa Claus” was carried out against several European Union representatives, senior officials and institutions. The targets included the president of the European Commission for the second time, the president of the European Central Bank, Europol, Eurojust, the president and the vice-president of the European People’s Party, and a British member of the European Parliament. The FAI claimed responsibility for these attacks. All of the letter bombs were sent from Bologna in the space of a few days.
In December 2003, the FAI released an important “open letter” in which the new group introduced itself. The FAI aimed to be “a center-less, chaotic and horizontal organization,” in this way “reflecting the view of the anarchist society [they] struggle for.” According to these militants, “to conciliate organization and theoretical/practical debate with the anonymity of groups/individuals is possible through a widespread dialogue based on actions.”
In their view, the FAI is first a “federation” because of “its widespread horizontal structure”: “relationships inside the federation are stable and flexible at the same time.” The group is explicitly “not democratic.”
Second, the FAI is “anarchist” because it wants the “destruction of capital and the state.” It radically opposes “any Marxist cancer” since “it crushes the possibility of a free society and just substitutes one dominion with another.”
Third, the FAI is “informal” because it intends to adopt a kind of organization that is “capable of preventing the creation of authoritarian and bureaucratizing mechanisms.” The authors of the open letter pragmatically observed that classic clandestine structures, typical of Italian left-wing terrorism (in particular, the notorious Red Brigades), can be undermined by infiltrators and informants: “on the contrary, the informal organization is formed of groups and individuals that do not know one another.” Moreover, unlike full-time terrorists, “whoever takes part in the FAI is a militant only when preparing and carrying out an action.” Therefore, the adoption of a horizontal structure seems to be based on both ideological and pragmatic reasons.
The FAI members accept a “pact of mutual support” based on three key points: “revolutionary solidarity” with arrested or fugitive comrades; self-organized “revolutionary campaigns”; and “communication between groups and individuals” through actions and through the channels of the movement. In this sense, the internet represents an important opportunity for communication and propaganda.
In its early years, the FAI was composed of four known groups, expressly mentioned in the 2003 open letter: Cooperative of Hand-Made Fire and Related Items (Cooperativa Artigiana Fuoco e Affini), July 20 Brigade (Brigata 20 Luglio), Five C’s (Cellule contro il Capitale, il Carcere, i suoi Carcerieri e le sue Celle) and International Solidarity (Solidarietà internazionale). These were already existing groups, operating at the local level in the cities of Bologna, Genoa, Rome and Milan, respectively. As a whole, these four groups were responsible for at least 16 rudimentary bombs and letter bombs in the years 1999-2003. Over time, other Italian groups and cells have joined the FAI. At present, the actual number of FAI militants in Italy is unknown, but recent estimates range from 50 to 250 people.
The Italian FAI has ideological and solidarity ties with Greek anarchist groups, particularly with the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), a revolutionary anarcho-individualist group that emerged in 2008. In particular, these ties were confirmed in June 2012 when an important Italian police operation against insurrectionary anarchists occurred. Eight people were arrested and 24 suspected militants, including six Greek CCF members, were investigated. On that occasion, Italian investigators stated that there was a “proven connection” with “Greek anarchist movements.” Around 2011, the FAI also promoted the development of an International Revolutionary Front (Fronte Rivoluzionario Internazionale, FRI), apparently an effort of coordination between like-minded militant groups.
In recent years, several groups have used the FAI brand name to claim responsibility for their own attacks in Spain, Greece, the United Kingdom, Russia, Mexico, Chile, Argentina, Indonesia and other countries. In May 2012, two months before the start of the Olympic Games in London, insurrectionary anarchists under the banner of the FAI claimed credit for two sabotage attacks on railway signals near Bristol which caused severe delays and the cancellation of services. On that occasion, the FAI in the United Kingdom announced their intention to “use guerrilla activity to hurt the national image and paralyze the economy” during the Olympics. Other sabotage and arson attacks were claimed in the name of the FAI in southwest England.
In Italy, after the 2003-2004 “Operation Santa Claus” letter bomb campaign, anarchist militants associated with the FAI were responsible for several threatening actions, bombs and letter bombs against political and economic institutions, diplomatic offices, military bases, police stations, corporations, temporary staffing agencies, banks, tax collection agencies, newspaper offices, universities, immigration detention centers and other targets.
In particular, in December 2009 a rudimentary bomb partially exploded at night at Bocconi University, a prestigious private university in Milan, while a letter bomb was sent to an immigration detention center in the northeastern town of Gradisca d’Isonzo, on the border with Slovenia. No one was hurt in the attacks. In March 2010, a letter bomb sent to the Northern League (Lega Nord) party headquarters injured a mailman. In December 2010, letter bombs exploded in the Swiss and Chilean Embassies in Rome and two people were seriously hurt; a third letter bomb sent to the Greek Embassy was defused. In March 2011, a mail bomb seriously injured an officer at the barracks of the Folgore parachute brigade in the Tuscan city of Livorno and another device exploded at the headquarters of Swissnuclear, the Swiss nuclear industry association, wounding two employees. In December 2011, a letter bomb sent to the Deutsche Bank chief executive was intercepted in Frankfurt, while another letter bomb seriously injured the director of Equitalia, the state tax-collection agency, in Rome. All these actions were explicitly claimed by “cells” and “nuclei” associated with the FAI. The 2010-2011 letter bombs revealed an improvement in bomb-making skills, at least compared with the amateurish devices of the 2003-2004 campaign.
The 2012 Attack on Nuclear Executive Roberto Adinolfi
In 2012, there was a qualitative leap in this campaign of violence. For the first time, anarchist militants under the banner of the FAI shot a person. On the morning of May 7, 2012, in the northwestern port city of Genoa, two masked men “kneecapped” Roberto Adinolfi, the chief executive of Ansaldo Nucleare, an Italian nuclear power company controlled by the aerospace and defense conglomerate Finmeccanica. He was shot in the knee by a man who was waiting for him outside his home, as an accomplice stood ready with a motorbike on which the two then made their escape. Adinolfi was hospitalized after the attack and required surgery to his leg. Fortunately, his condition was not serious.
The attack sparked fears of terrorism in the country, especially in the climate of an economic recession and social tension. “Kneecappings” (gambizzazioni) were a trademark practice of the Red Brigades, the left-wing terrorist group that carried out a campaign of violence aimed at destabilizing Italy in the 1970s and the early 1980s, culminating in the kidnapping and killing of former Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro in 1978.
On May 11, 2012, a four-page letter claiming responsibility for the assault was delivered to Italy’s Corriere della Sera newspaper. “We have crippled Adinolfi,” said the note, which accused the Ansaldo Nucleare executive of being one of “those most responsible, along with [former conservative minister Claudio] Scajola, for the return of nuclear energy to Italy.” Adinolfi was called “one of the many sorcerers of the atom” and a “grey assassin.” In the anonymous authors’ view, “State and science, capitalism and technology are only one thing, one single Moloch.” The attack was claimed by the previously unknown “Olga Nucleus” of the FAI/FRI. “Olga” is an explicit reference to Olga Ikonomidou, an imprisoned member of the CCF.
The leaflet expressed a striking craving for violence: “Despite not liking violent-style rhetoric, it has been with a certain pleasantness that we armed ourselves, with pleasure that we loaded the magazine. Grasping the pistol, choosing and following the target, coordinating mind and hand were necessary steps, the logical consequence of an idea of justice, the risk of a choice and at the same time a confluence of enjoyable sensations.”
On September 14, 2012, Italian security forces detained two known anarchists, Alfredo Cospito and Nicola Gai, and charged them with the May 7 attack. Both men were from the northwestern city of Turin. They were kept in custody based on evidence from surveillance cameras, wiretaps and from analysis of the leaflet claiming responsibility for the attack.
A fast-track trial (giudizio abbreviato) against Cospito and Gai began in Genoa on October 30, 2013. More than 100 radical anarchists gathered in front of the courthouse to show solidarity with the two suspects. Both Cospito and Gai presented—and tried to read—a hand-written declaration to the court. In particular, in his declaration Alfredo Cospito, the gunman and leader of the “Nucleus,” claimed responsibility for the attack, displaying from the very beginning a personal feeling of merciless satisfaction for the shooting: “In a wonderful morning in May I acted, and in the space of a few hours I fully enjoyed my life. For once I left fear and self-justification behind and defied the unknown.”
Cospito, as an “anti-organization anarchist,” denied the involvement of other people in the assault: “I want to be absolutely clear: the FAI/FRI Olga Nucleus is only Nicola [Gai] and I. No one else took part in this action or helped or planned it. Nobody knew about our project.” Gai confirmed this point. In their communiqués, both men described in detail how they planned and carried out the attack against Adinolfi in Genoa. In all probability, this public description served propaganda purposes: the two insurrectionary anarchists wanted to show how “easy” it was to conduct attacks.
The general mission of the two anarchist militants was to “knock down” the “order of civilization” characterized by the “differentiation between the dominant and the dominated” and to oppose the “techno-industrial system.” In particular, the aim of the 2012 attack on Adinolfi was to “throw sand in the clogs of this mega-machine in the space of a second.” The nuclear disaster in Fukushima, Japan, triggered their actions. In the end, Cospito exhorted other individuals to strike without the “need for clandestine infrastructures,” suggesting that small groups or even lone individuals should conduct attacks on their own initiative and independently. This is in line with the “open letter” published by the FAI in December 2003.
On November 12, 2013, the court jailed Cospito and Gai for a total of 20 years for shooting the nuclear power chief. Cospito was sentenced to 10 years and eight months in prison, and Gai to nine years and four months. Prosecutors had requested jail terms of 12 years and 10 years, respectively. The court added the aggravating circumstance of the “purpose of terrorism” (finalità di terrorismo). In other words, the judge recognized that the attack on Adinolfi was part of a political project that “advocates the armed struggle as a means to subvert the basic structures of the State.”
According to many reports, however, investigators do not believe in Cospito’s and Gai’s solitary claim of responsibility and are searching for other accomplices and supporters in northern Italy. In particular, investigators suspect that the two anarchists from Turin were helped by a partner in Genoa.
In 2012-2013, Italian authorities arrested a number of insurrectionary anarchists. After this wave of arrests, Italy’s intelligence agencies subsequently declared that the FAI was now in “operational stasis.” Nevertheless, the threat posed by this network remains “potentially extended and multiform.” In fact, in April 2013 FAI militants claimed responsibility for two letter bombs sent to the La Stampa newspaper in Turin and a private investigation agency in Brescia, near Milan. While the attacks did not result in any casualties, they demonstrate that the network is still active.
Insurrectionary anarchism remains a dangerous threat to Italy. These militants have a proven record of using homemade bombs against civilian, government and military targets. Their tactics are relatively simple and inexpensive, involve less risk, and can cause significant damage. Insurrectionary anarchist groups have also encouraged their followers to conduct decentralized attacks, which can limit law enforcement’s effectiveness. It is just a matter of coincidence that all of these acts of violence have not caused fatalities thus far.
Dr. Francesco Marone is a Research Fellow in Political Science at the University of Pavia, Italy. He was a Visiting Fellow at Aberystwyth University, Wales.
 Such attacks include sabotage, arson, bombings, and assaults, among others.
 See Marco Boschi, Criminologia del terrorismo anarco-insurrezionalista (Rome: Aracne, 2005).
 “2012 Report to Parliament on the Activities of the Police Forces, the State of Public Order and Security, and Organized Crime,” Italian Ministry of the Interior, 2013, p. 10.
 Corrado Barbacini, “L’anarchico Bonanno arrestato dopo una rapina,” Il Piccolo, October 7, 2009.
 In general terms, the Italian anarchist movement historically had a relevant transnational dimension, especially in the United States. See, for example, Davide Turcato, “Italian Anarchism as a Transnational Movement, 1885-1915,” International Review of Social History 52.3 (2007).
 Leonard Williams and Brad Thomson, “The Allure of Insurrection,” Anarchist Developments in Cultural Studies 1 (2011).
 The perpetrators of this crime were apprehended in September 2012 and convicted in November 2013.
 In 2007, the FAI released the “transcription” of a clandestine meeting held among eight anonymous members of the network in December 2006. This discussion presented different opinions on the degree and extent of violence. Some of these militants, however, were in favor of killing “the guilty,” while sparing the life of “innocent people.” The document was called “Four Years” (“Quattro anni”), a reference to the network’s first four years of life. English translations of the text are available on the internet. See also Marco Imarisio, “Nomi in codice Qui-Quo-Qua. ‘Giusto ferire una segretaria se serve a uccidere il padrone,’” Corriere della Sera, December 18, 2009.
 The Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI) is not to be confused with the historic Italian Anarchist Federation (also FAI), associated with the International of Anarchist Federations (IAF/IFA). In December 2003, the Italian Anarchist Federation promptly denounced “the serious and infamous nature of attributing this kind of facts [the first acts of violence] to initials alluding to the monogram of FAI.” See FAI Press release, December 28, 2003.
 Vittorio Monti, “Bologna, esplosioni sotto casa Prodi,” Corriere della Sera, December 22, 2003. See the FAI communiqué, “Open Letter to the Anarchist and Anti-Authoritarian Movement” (“Lettera aperta al movimento anarchico ed anti-autoritario”), December 21, 2003. English translations are available on the internet.
 The letter bomb exploded in the hands of Prodi at his home in Bologna. The bomb, however, was a small, amateurish device and was not capable of causing significant damage. Prodi was not hurt. See Vittorio Monti, “Una gran fiammata. Ma io resto sereno,” Corriere della Sera, December 28, 2003; Sergio Stimolo, “La moglie: ha spento tutto e mi ha tranquillizzata. Il Professore: non avevano intenzione di uccidere,” Corriere della Sera, December 28, 2003.
 The letter bomb sent to Jean-Claude Trichet was intercepted and defused in Frankfurt, Germany. See Giuliana Ferraino, “Due libri bomba a Trichet e all’ Europol,” Corriere della Sera, December 30, 2003.
 The letter bomb was intercepted and defused in The Hague, Netherlands. See ibid.
 The letter bomb was intercepted and defused in The Hague, Netherlands. See Giusi Fasano, “Eurojust: nuovo pacco bomba, stesso volantino,” Corriere della Sera, December 31, 2003.
 The letter bomb sent to Hans-Gert Pöttering was opened by an assistant at his European Parliament office, and the letter caught fire. No one was hurt, however. See Giuseppe Sorcina, “Un pacco bomba contro il capogruppo del Ppe,” Corriere della Sera, January 6, 2004.
 The letter bomb sent to José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra was intercepted at his European Parliament office and defused. See ibid.
 The letter bomb sent to Gary Titley was opened by his wife at his Manchester office and caught fire. It did not cause significant damage. See ibid.; Ian Black, John Hooper and David Ward, “Manchester MEP Among Letter Bomb Targets,” Guardian, January 6, 2004.
 Giusi Fasano, “C’ è una cellula che agisce in città,” Corriere della Sera, December 30, 2003; Giusi Fasano, “Una ventina di sospettati ma non c’ è un ‘regista,’” Corriere della Sera, January 6, 2004.
 “Open Letter to the Anarchist and Anti-Authoritarian Movement.”
 Boschi, pp. 33-40, 112-113.
 See Maurizio Piccirilli, “Terrorismo, l’allarme degli 007: ‘Anarchici pronti a nuovi attacchi,’” Il Tempo, May 24, 2012.
 “Federazione anarchica informale (Fai). 10 anni di vita e 40 azioni rivendicate,” La Stampa, May 11, 2012; Flavio Haver, “Pronti ad azioni da jihad. Il rapporto sugli anarchici,” Corriere della Sera, June 5, 2012.
 Giusi Fasano, “Genova, quella pista sul terrorismo che porta in Grecia,” Corriere della Sera, May 14, 2012; Ilaria Giupponi, “Anarchici, l’asse italo-greco,” Lettera 43, May 13, 2012.
 George Kassimeris, “Greece’s New Generation of Terrorists, Part 2: The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF),” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 35:9 (2012).
 For example, in the 2011 FAI statement entitled “Do Not Say That We Are Few” (“Non dite che siamo pochi”), the references to “the sisters and brothers of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” are frequent and extremely favorable. English translations of the text are available on the internet.
 “Anarchici informali, arresti in tutta Italia. ‘Vicini al gruppo che sparò ad Adinolfi,’” Corriere della Sera, June 13, 2012; “Terrorismo, operazione del Ros contro gli anarchici. Arresti in tutta Italia,” La Repubblica, June 13, 2012.
 The 2011 FAI statement “Do Not Say That We Are Few” presented a list of 37 cells and nuclei in Greece, Mexico, Chile, Russia, Peru, the Netherlands, England and Italy.
 Shiv Malik, “Anarchists Claim Responsibility for Railway Signalling Sabotage in Bristol,” Guardian, May 25, 2012.
 Shiv Malik, “Anarchist Group Claims it Started Blaze at Police Firearms Training Centre,” Guardian, August 28, 2013; Brian Whelan, “Bristol Arson Attack Linked to Anarchist Terror Network,” Channel 4 News, August 28, 2013.
 Andrea Galli, “Dinamite alla Bocconi. ‘Azione degli anarchici,’” Corriere della Sera, December 17, 2009; “Pacco bomba, paura alla Bocconi. Rivendicazione anarchica,” Corriere della Sera, December 16, 2009.
 Grazia Maria Mottola, “Nel mirino il centro immigrati delle coop rosse,” Corriere della Sera, December 17, 2009.
 Michele Focarete and Gianni Santucci, “Esplode pacco per la Lega. Busta con proiettile al premier,” Corriere della Sera, March 28, 2010.
 Rinaldo Frignani, “Pacchi bomba alle ambasciate. Rivendicazione degli anarchici,” Corriere della Sera, December 24, 2010; Rinaldo Frignani, “Bomba all’ambasciata, non è esplosa per un caso,” Corriere della Sera, December 28, 2010.
 Michele Bocci, “Pacco bomba ai parà della Folgore. Grave un ufficiale, firma anarchica,” La Repubblica, April 1, 2011; Michele Bocci and Franca Selvatici, “Bomba alla Folgore, firma anarchica,” La Repubblica, April 2, 2011.
 Christian Hartmann, “Two Hurt in Parcel Bomb at Swiss Nuclear Lobby,” Reuters, March 31, 2011.
 Nicholas Kulish, “Letter Bomb Sent to German Bank Chief,” New York Times, December 8, 2011; Fiorenza Sarzanini, “Bomba alla Deutsche Bank spedita da anarchici italiani,” Corriere della Sera, December 9, 2011.
 Massimo Lugli, “Pacco bomba a Equitalia, ferito il direttore generale. Gli anarchici: siamo stati noi,” La Repubblica, December 10, 2011.
 Giusi Fasano, “Spari al manager. ‘Come le Br’ Un gruppo minacciò: colpiremo,” Corriere della Sera, May 8, 2012; Erika Dellacasa, “La moglie: non è grave. Siamo stati fortunati,” Corriere della Sera, May 8, 2012.
 See, for example, James Lutz and Brenda J. Lutz, “Kneecapping,” in C. Gus Martin ed., The SAGE Encyclopedia of Terrorism (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2011), pp. 329-330. For an overview, see Donatella della Porta, Il terrorismo di sinistra (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1990).
 “The Mark of Life. Toward an Imaginative Way to Destroy the Existent” (“Il marchio della vita. Cercando una via immaginifica alla distruzione dell’esistente”), May 11, 2012, available at http://media2.corriere.it/corriere/pdf/2012/olga_110512.pdf.
 Ibid. In June 2011, however, Italians rejected the return of nuclear power in a popular referendum.
 Ibid. The name of Moloch, an ancient deity, is likely used figuratively to designate a system that requires terrible sacrifices.
 They said, “We have taken the name of a CCF [Conspiracy of Cells of Fire] sister of ours, Olga Ikonomidou, because the heart of the FAI/FRI lies in the consistency and strength of the ‘Imprisoned Members’ Cell of the CCF.’” See “The Mark of Life. Toward an Imaginative Way to Destroy the Existent.”
 Erika Dellacasa, “Adinolfi, arrestati due anarchici,” Corriere della Sera, September 15, 2012; “Two Men Held for Attack on Ansaldo Executive,” Corriere della Sera, September 14, 2012.
 Public Prosecutor’s Office of Genoa, Provisional Detention Order (Procura della Repubblica presso il Tribunale di Genova, Fermo di indiziato di delitto), September 13, 2012.
 Matteo Indice, “Anarchici in aula, Genova si blinda,” Il Secolo XIX, October 30, 2012.
 See Alfredo Cospito’s written declaration, October 30, 2013, available at www.ilsecoloxix.it/rw/IlSecoloXIXWEB/genova/allegati/20131013_rivendicazionecospito.pdf.
 See Nicola Gai’s written declaration, October 30, 2013, available at www.ilsecoloxix.it/rw/IlSecoloXIXWEB/genova/allegati/20131013_rivendicazionegai.pdf.
 In Cospito’s words, “There’s no need for a military structure, a subversive association or an armed gang in order to strike. Anyone armed with a strong will can think the unthinkable and act consequently.” See Cospito.
 Motivation report of the sentence pronounced against Cospito and Gai (filed on February 19, 2014), quoted in Marco Preve, “L’agguato ad Adinolfi atto sovversivo,” La Repubblica, February 20, 2014.
 Massimo Numa, “Attentato ad Adinolfi, al via il processo. Gli imputati: ‘Abbiamo agito da soli,’” La Stampa, October 30, 2013.
 Katia Bonchi, “Attentato Adinolfi, condanna per Cospito e Gai. Il giudice: ‘Non due fanatici ma segmento di progetto sovversivo,’” Genova24, February 19, 2014; Marco Numa, “Adinolfi, c’era un basista. E ora è caccia ai complici,” La Stampa, September 16, 2012; Marco Preve, “Si stringe il cerchio sul basista. Sei nomi nel mirino degli inquirenti,” La Repubblica, September 18, 2012.
 See, in particular, Fiorenza Sarzanini, “Dieci arresti per gli attentati degli anarchici,” Corriere della Sera, June 14, 2012.
 “2012 Report on Security Intelligence Policy,” Italy’s Intelligence System for the Security of the Republic, February 2013, p. 34.
 Simone Traverso, “Bombe anarchiche, rivendicazione al Secolo XIX,” Secolo XIX, April 12, 2013; Meo Ponte, “Pacchi bomba, la firma degli anarchici Fai. ‘Giornalisti, nostro primo obiettivo,’” La Repubblica, April 13, 2013.
 “2013 Report on Security Intelligence Policy,” Italy’s Intelligence System for the Security of the Republic, February 2014, p. 43.
 See “‘Gli anarchici? Solo per caso non hanno ucciso,’” Corriere della Sera, February 22, 2012.